Deutscher Streitfall: Der Historiker Ernst Nolte (TV Movie 2006) cast and crew credits, including actors, actresses, directors, writers and more. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 5. Furet noted that Nolte's theses went against the established notions of culpability and apprehension to criticize the idea of anti-fascism common in the West. From Wikimedia Commons, the free media repository. [23], Noch 2012 interpretierte Nolte in der neurechten Sezession den Nationalsozialismus als „eine Kopie des bolschewistischen Originals“. [24] British historian Roger Griffin has written that although written in arcane and obscure language, Nolte's theory of fascism as a "form of resistance to transcendence" marked an important step in the understanding of fascism, and helped to spur scholars into new avenues of research on fascism. Nach der – an Max Weber angelehnten – typologischen Methode werden als allgemeine Merkmale des Faschismus Antimarxismus, Antiliberalismus, Nationalismus, Gewalt und Propaganda ermittelt, wobei Nolte selbst auf die Grenzen dieses Verfahrens verweist, da Rassismus oder Antisemitismus hier keine definitorische Rolle spielen. [27] 2012 erhielt Nolte „für sein umfangreiches wissenschaftliches und geschichtsphilosophisches Gesamtwerk“ den Historiker-Preis der Erich und Erna Kronauer-Stiftung,[28] deren Kuratorium er angehörte. 537–551 from, "Die historisch-genetische Version der Totalitarismusthorie: Ärgernis oder Einsicht?" Ernst Nolte (* 11. [16] Drawing upon the work of Max Weber, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Karl Marx, Nolte argued that the progress of both types of "transcendence" generates fear as the older world is swept aside by a new world, and that these fears led to fascism. The crux of Nolte's thesis was presented when he wrote: "It is a notable shortcoming of the literature about National Socialism that it does not know or does not want to admit to what degree all the deeds—with the sole exception of the technical process of gassing—that the National Socialists later committed had already been described in a voluminous literature of the early 1920s: mass deportations and shootings, torture, death camps, extermination of entire groups using strictly objective selection criteria, and public demands for the annihilation of millions of guiltless people who were thought to be "enemies". [96] Specifically, citing the American political scientist Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Nolte argued that the effectiveness of the gas chambers as killing instruments was exaggerated, more Jews were killed by mass shooting than by mass gassing, the number of people killed at Auschwitz was overestimated after 1945 (the Soviets initially exaggerated the death toll at 4 million although the consensus today is 1.1 million), Binjamin Wilkomirski's memoir of Auschwitz was a forgery and so the history of the Holocaust is open to reinterpretation. Angela Merkel lehnte es ab, die Laudatio auf Nolte zu halten. Aspects of the Third Reich, London, 1985). Nolte has little regard for specific historical context in his treatment of the history of ideas, opting to seek what Carl Schmitt labeled the abstract "final" or "ultimate" ends of ideas, which for Nolte are the most extreme conclusions which can be drawn from an idea, representing the ultima terminus of the "metapolitical". And if it had at least stopped with deportation. Nationalsozialismus und Bolschewismus als eine „überschießende Reaktion“ auf die Herausforderung der Oktoberrevolution, die mit ihrem Klassenmord und den seit 1918 errichteten Konzentrationslagern ein Präzedens gesetzt habe. [36], Nolte began his feuilleton by remarking that it was necessary in his opinion to draw a "line under the German past". 273–78 from, Evans, pp. Geiss wrote Nolte's critics had "taken in isolation" his statements and were guilty of being "hasty readers"[45]. 14–25 from V, This page was last edited on 18 February 2021, at 12:50. [48] Many historians, such as British historian Richard J. Evans, have asserted that, based on this statement, Nolte appears to believe that the only reason why Nazism is regarded as evil is because Germany lost World War II, with no regard for the Holocaust. Ernst Nolte Photos and Wallpapers . [70], The German political scientist Richard Löwenthal noted that news of the Soviet kulak expulsions and the Holodomor did not reach Germany until 1941, so that Soviet atrocities could not possibly have influenced the Germans as Nolte claimed. Der Titel dieses Artikels ist mehrdeutig. Daneben setzte er seine wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten fort und wurde 1952 in Freiburg im Breisgau mit der Arbeit Selbstentfremdung und Dialektik im deutschen Idealismus und bei Marx bei Eugen Fink, einem der früheren Assistenten des Philosophen und Begründers der Phänomenologie Edmund Husserl, promoviert. [54], Nolte, for his part, started to write a series of letters to newspapers such as Die Zeit and Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung attacking his critics; for example, in a letter to Die Zeit on 1 August 1986, Nolte complained that his critic Jürgen Habermas was attempting to censor him for expressing his views, and accused Habermas of being the person responsible for blocking him from attending the Römerberg Conversations. 1076–1088 from, Shlaes, Amity "More History" pp. Ein Beitrag Noltes in der Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung (FAZ) vom 6. Er fand seine letzte Ruhestätte auf dem Friedhof der St.-Matthias-Gemeinde in Berlin-Tempelhof.[5]. In Habermas's opinion, since Cambodia was a backward, Third World agrarian state and Germany a modern, industrial state, there was no comparison between the two genocides. 130–149 from, Kulka, Otto Dov "Singularity and Its Relativization: Changing Views in German Historiography on National Socialism and the `Final Solution'" pp. 12–22 from, Brockmann, Stephen "The Politics Of German History" pp. Ernst Nolte starb im Alter von 93 Jahren nach kurzer, schwerer Krankheit. Chaim Weizmann’s declaration in the beginning of September 1939 that the Jews of the world would fight on the side of Britain, “justified” – so opined Nolte – Hitler to treat the Jews as prisoners of war and intern them. [22] According to Nolte, "In Hitler's extermination of the Jews, it was not a case of criminals committing criminal deeds, but of a uniquely monstrous action in which principles ran riot in a frenzy of self-destruction". [13] Sein Publikum fand er, wie Alexander Cammann meint, von nun an nur noch „rechts außen“. Nachdem 2003/2004 der CDU-Bundestagsabgeordnete Martin Hohmann wegen seiner als antisemitisch betrachteten Rede zum Tag der Deutschen Einheit aus Partei und Fraktion ausgeschlossen worden war, erklärte Nolte Hohmann zum tapferen und respektablen Streiter für Meinungs- und Gewissensfreiheit. [60], In a letter to the editor of Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung published on September 6, 1986 Karl Dietrich Bracher accused both Habermas and Nolte of both "...tabooing the concept of totalitarianism and inflating the formula of fascism". [13][14] The second type is "theoretical transcendence", the striving to go beyond what exists in the world towards a new future, eliminating traditional fetters imposed on the human mind by poverty, backwardness, ignorance, and class. However much one might wish to criticize the Allied strategic-bombing offensive against German cities, it cannot be termed genocidal because there was no intention to exterminate the entire German people. Hans-Heinrich Nolte (* 24. In Nolte's opinion, Nazi Germany was a "mirror image" of the Soviet Union and, with the exception of the "technical detail" of mass gassing, everything the Nazis did in Germany had already been done by the communists in Russia. Im Jahr 2000 erhielt Nolte den Konrad-Adenauer-Preis der Deutschland-Stiftung. See more ideas about history, history boys, chernobyl today. [29], Nolte ended Deutschland und der kalte Krieg with a call for Germans to escape their fate as the world's foremost battleground for the rival ideologies of American democracy and Soviet communism by returning to the values of the Second Reich. [83] Elie Wiesel called Nolte, together with Klaus Hildebrand, Andreas Hillgruber, and Michael Stürmer, one of the “four bandits” of German historiography. Es ging ums Ganze, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung#FAZ.NETFAZ.NET, https://groups.google.com/forum/#!topic/soc.culture.german/P6DjMX4NUBw, https://de.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Ernst_Nolte&oldid=209016013, Hochschullehrer (Philipps-Universität Marburg), Hochschullehrer (Freie Universität Berlin), Absolvent der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg, „Creative Commons Attribution/Share Alike“, deutscher Historiker, Philosoph und Autor. Nolte called the Federal Republic "a state born of contemporary history, a product of catastrophe erected to overcome catastrophe"[95] In a Feuilleton piece published in Die Welt entitled “Auschwitz als Argument in der Geschichtstheorie” (Auschwitz as An Argument in Historical Theory) on 2 January 1999, Nolte criticized his old opponent Richard J. Evans for his book In The Defence of History, on the grounds that aspects of the Holocaust are open to revision and so Evans’s attacks on Nolte during the Historikerstreit had been unwarranted. [10], Neben massiven methodischen und quellenkundlichen Vorwürfen[11] setzte die Kritik in der Folgezeit an Noltes Verständnis der NS-Ideologie an: Bei Nolte sei deren Antisemitismus eine Abwehrideologie gegenüber einer konkreten Bedrohung, tatsächlich aber sei er von Beginn an ein entscheidendes Wesensmerkmal der nationalsozialistischen Ideologie und ihrer völkischen Vorläufer gewesen, was beispielsweise für den italienischen Faschismus in dieser Aggressivität nicht gelte. – Frankfurt a. M./Berlin: Propyläen 1990. [32] In a letter to the editor of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung on November 29, 1986, Löwenthal argued the case for a "fundamental difference" in mass murder between Germany and the Soviet Union, and against the "equalizing" of various crimes in the 20th century. pp. [14] Nolte himself defined "theoretical transcendence" as such: Theoretical transcendence may be taken to mean the reaching out of the mind beyond what exists and what can exist toward an absolute whole; in a broader sense this may be applied to all that goes beyond, that releases man from the confines of the everyday world, and which, as an ‘awareness of the horizon’, makes it possible for him to experience the world as a whole.[15]. [100] In response, Paul Gottfried in 2005 defended Nolte from Applelbaum's charge of attempting to justify the Holocaust by contending that Nolte had merely argued that the Nazis had made a link in their own minds between Jews and communists and that the Holocaust was their attempt to eliminate the most likely supporters of communism. [12], In den Jahren nach dem Höhepunkt des Historikerstreits wurde Nolte unter Historikern zunehmend isoliert. [21], In seinem Buch Die dritte radikale Widerstandsbewegung: Der Islamismus versuchte Nolte laut dem Zeithistoriker und Terrorismusforscher Walter Laqueur, den Islamismus „in die großen politischen Systeme unserer Zeit einzuordnen“. [8] Using the methods of phenomenology, Nolte subjected German Nazism, Italian Fascism, and the French Action Française movements to a comparative analysis. Cannot Hitler's most secret deeds be explained by the fact that he had not forgotten the rat cage? Kershaw has argued that Nolte was operating on the borderlines of Holocaust denial with his implied claim that the "negative myth" of the Third Reich was created by Jewish historians, his allegations of the domination of Holocaust scholarship by Jewish historians, and his statements that one should withhold judgment on Holocaust deniers, who Nolte insists are not exclusively Germans or fascists. Jahrhundert führte er 1991 aus, es habe in besagtem Jahrhundert drei „außerordentliche Staaten“ gegeben, nämlich die UdSSR, das geteilte Deutschland und Israel. That is what Nolte’s speculation amounts to.”[69], The political scientist Kurt Sontheimer, in an essay first published in the Rheinischer Merkur newspaper on November 21, 1986, accused Nolte and his supporters of attempting to create a new “national consciousness” intended to sever the Federal Republic's “intellectual and spiritual ties with the West”. Category:Paul Nolte. All this does not stop Klaus Hildebrand in the Historische Zeitschrift from commending Nolte’s “pioneering essay”, because it “attempts to project exactly the seemingly unique aspects of the history of the Third Reich onto the backdrop of the European and global development". Nolte's conclusion was that fascism was the great anti-movement: it was anti-liberal, anti-communist, anti-capitalist, and anti-bourgeois. 1973 folgte er einem Ruf an die FU Berlin, an der er am Friedrich-Meinecke-Institut bis zu seiner Emeritierung im Jahr 1991 als Professor für Neuere Geschichte wirkte. He claimed that all three were “abnormal once”, but whereas the Soviet Union and Germany were now “normal” states, Israel was still “abnormal” and, in Nolte's view, in danger of becoming a fascist state that might commit genocide against the Palestinians. Some historians such as Hans-Ulrich Wehler were most forceful in arguing that the sufferings of the “kulaks” deported during the Soviet “dekulakization” campaign of the early 1930s were in no way analogous to the suffering of the Jews deported in the early 1940s.